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All about involvement of western and Ukrainian in election organization

Cheating the voters, voter cheating technology

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AGENTS OF INFLUENCE - PART TWO

Committee of voters of Ukraine (CVU) successfully masters the American taxpayers money.

SMALL CANDLE-PRODUCING  FACTORY 

The CVU was formed based on a classic model, similar to the one used by the majority of other organizations that emerged in the same time period. In early 90s, after the fall of the "Iron Curtain", the representatives of the Western countries (such as the USA, the Great Britain and Germany) started visiting Ukraine. These were mostly  representatives of the  "front line" professions - journalists, political scientists, representatives of foreign foundations, Members of Parliament and politicians including well- known representatives of the Ukrainian Diaspora who arrived on the "historical native land to provide assistance to their  fellow- tribesmen."

Larissa Davignon, daughter of the well-known Canadian American Maria Davignon, was among those "tourists". Larissa who was staying on the native land of her ancestors with an " uncertain mission ", managed not only to incline Taras Pastushenko (who controlled the creation of the CVU to a certain cooperation, but also to influence the activity of the non-partisan Committee of Voters of Ukraine (NCVU), a prototype of a contemporary CVU.

Despite overwhelming influence on Taras Pastushenko, Ms. Davignon failed to create an organization that would fall under an overall  control of the Western intelligence service. The situation remained the same under all succeeding NCVU leaders.  The Committee resembled a national - democratic organization whose main purpose was to provide assistance to the anti-Soviet movement in Ukraine in implementing democratic principles.

The American foundations took an overall control over the CVU after Igor Popov was elected as its Chairman. At that time,  NDI representatives similar to other donor foundations, were not in a position to  refuse from funding CVU after the long-term cooperation with the organization. Foundations had to formulate their budgets; the lack of funding programs would have reduced their budgets for upcoming years. Katie Fox of NDI (in the near future she became a key figure in NDI who was in charge of directing financial aid at the organizations from the NIS countries) was responsible for overseeing CVU activities while Igor Popov acted as its Chairman.

It is hard to believe that representatives of the Western foundations are not informed of not targeted and inefficient squandering of grants. Western inspectors couldn’t have left unnoticed numerous trips, regional conferences (with " luxurious food " and foorchette-style tables), presentations in fancy hotels, outrageously expensive printed materials, large central and regional administrative offices with secretaries and drivers.

Certain financial mechanisms could have been used to reduce taxes, convert and pocket the money for the sake of supporting CVU offices and its affiliates (such as the Committee of Young Voters of Ukraine, and the Committee of Women Voters the creation of which was planned in the long run) - all being efforts to keep monopoly over the grant funds.  As the "army" of thousands of  volunteers receives their honoraria for the "voluntary" work not from a bank rather from CVU heads directly, they are using companies founded by CVU leaders, as in the case of Igor Popov who is the founder of the private company "Polikhim Kiev", to facilitate payments. As a result, tax police took a close interest with its" punishing sword " in CVU activities, and studied thouroughly their operations along with their financial "know-how". In their reports to the Western foundations, CVU interpreted these actions as an attempt of the authorities to punish unreliable organizations. Read more of this in the next part of the AGENTS of INFLUENCE (The end).

An important factor of these financial mechanisms are god-parent relations between CVU Chairman and Mott Foundation's representative in Ukraine, a type of liability that  by tradition is stronger than blood relationship. Read more of Mott funding of CVU campaign activities in the AGENTS of INFLUENCE -  Part 1 of the publication. As CVU and the processes of land privatization somehow do not combine, Igor Popov has created the Landowners Rights' Protection Association whose  chairman he is at -present in addition to being CVU Chairman.  It is not difficult to predict who will defend the interests of the foreign proprietors of the Ukrainian land.

One may question why do the Western foundations need this organization , inefficient in election monitoring and not scrupulous in financial matters (current law prevents civic organizations such as the CVU from being present at the polling stations as observers). Nevertheless, CVU demanded an  increase of funding not only during elections period but for the in-between periods as well. During 2000-2001, CVU receivedover $2mln. from one foundation for the purpose of "transforming CVU into the powerful civic organization" (should be read - to develop a regional infrastructure to serve as a powerful mechanism of information gathering not only about elections that take place no more often than once in three years). This is  not the only money that CVU has  "mastered" successfully and for which it has reported to USAID as of their "terrific victories".

OBEDIENT CALF TAKES NOT FROM ONE DONOR ONLY

Western producers follow a well-desegned model.USAID whose primary purpose is to formulate the “assistance” programs,  takes care of redistributing “assistance to the democratic processes”. USAID’s task in Ukraine is in compiling a “first-aid  kit” to facilitate the activities of the donor foundations and coordinate the flow of funds.  This puts CVU in a favorible position allowing to receive assistance money from all possible funds (NDI, Mott Foundation, Counterpart) and send progress reports only to the USAID. The same condition forces the donors to adhere to the “corporate interests” and in order to keep their budgets stable, finance even not worthy projects from the CVU, even when there’s no control over funds expenditure.  Although this factor takes off responsibility before  investors of these fundations.

Western gtant-making organizations make use of the  CVU's subordination. The basis for  such an influence lies not only in "closing eyes" on financial violations ("sudden loss of several dozen thousands dollars", purchase of apartments for CVU's top management), or in zerro accountability for the final results declared in their programs.  In case of failure, CVU may  explains it as a result of the difficult working conditions in Ukraine and pressure  from "state-oligarchic monsters ".

The real motives behind a thorough Western attention to CVU are different. Some of the real services provided by the CVU at the foreign donors' demand include but are not limited to the following list:

1. Creation of a wide regional network aimed at gatheingr political, economic and social information.This network of regional offices enables information gathering not only through easily accessible resources (media and news conferences) but also when talking to politicians, NGO representatives and regional business representatives who finance political parties at the local level. This is a prerequisite for CVU’s success in not only compiling reports on election fraud or businesses that, according to the CVU, finance those who produced this fraud, but also in developing informational data bases on other regional developments in Ukraine. Grouped regional  information might be quite successfully utilized both by local and Western intelligence services.

Cover to  such a vigorous activity is provided  through the Internet - project "Political Ukraine", newspaper "Tochka Zoru" and a couple of regional projects.

2. CVU is not capable of being an individual player in the elections process as they are not able to conduct  monitoring of the voting procedure, counting the ballots or compiling reports on violations to protect the rights of voters at CEC or in courts. Because the activities of the civic organizations during the campaign period are not restricted in providing assistance to political parties, consulting partisan observers and campaigning, CVU actively cooperates with various parties and candidates running in the single-mandate districts (this list may exclude Communist Party, Social Democratic Party United and "Unity") and accepts fees for providing these services.  CVU's regional representatives often hold parallel positions with campaign headquarters and party offices in addition to their main jobs at CVU.

These facts feature one very important aspect of the CVU activity - they host the international obsrvers, escort them during country travel and provide consulting services. CVU has 100% influence on elections through these types of services. Firstly, they have an opportunity to offer "support services" to the "necessary" candidates running to the Parliament in problematic districts with expected tight results.  This "support" can be rendered through deploying mobile groups of the western observers who move around the district, being escorted by the CVU, and "induce horror " on the election commissions. Secondly, it's widely known that Soviet-style traditions of voting  prevail in the regions, for example when one family member votes for the rest of his or her family, " for entire rural community", or when people are told how to vote. Knowing all this in advance makes it easy to record evidence of fraud. Later on these discriptions of the Election Law violations can be included in progress reports on grant activities. Foreign observers are still pretending (or they remain untold?!), that the bulk of falsifications occurs not at the polling stations during the voting process, but rather during tabulation of votes, compiling reports and their delivery to the district election commissions. The international observers as well as their active assistants from the CVU have no influence on this process, as the decision on where to add and where to cut votes is made on the Bankova Street well  in advance. Finally, CVU is being positioned by the western donors as an unbiased side in the election process; and this is another chance  for the international community to report when needed on the election fraud  and not democratic nature of elections, addressing  not the appeals of the interested sides of the election process (parties, blocks, the Central Election Committee), rather the reports prepared by the organizations such as the CVU. Possible scenarios for the development of such events have been already actively utilized by the USA in Yugoslavia and Byelorus.

3. Contacts with representatives of government and non-government organizations, and political groups enable not only to initiate certain lobbying campaigns, but also have a certain influence on developments in Ukraine. It is interesting to note that some heads of the CVU keep positions of assistants to the People's Deputies, and Igor Popov managed to serve as an assistant to the Parliament's member- Communist Chumachenko N.I.

The Ukrainian legislation prevents foreign countries from influencing the domestic politics directly.  Therefore, they actively use the CVU in providing all kinds of support to the political parties and blocks - from conducting surveys, seminars,  training sessions to the development of strategies, PR campaigns and organizing study trips abroad for the staff of political groups. Any attempt to highlight this topic in media - such as an article " Money for the Triumph of Democracy " (in the " New Century " dated 14 July 2001), interview with  Mykhailo Pogrebinskiy "Fuhrers ("Hitlers") of the Ukrainian Opposition Imitate Hyper-Activity Supported by the American Money ", and statements on the UTN channel, was immediately followed by  all possible statements by the representatives of the leading groups emphasizing their democratic intentions and willingness to help Ukraine. Well -known political researcher M ykhailo Pogrebinskiy was even placed in a position to refuse from his own statements, and texts of  his interviews were quickly removed from the Ukrainian and Russian web sites (the text of his interview can be found on the  "Anti-Control" site, only in russian language).

 (TO BE CONTINUED)

Agents of influence - the Part 1


Igor Popov – CVU Chairman

This site covers 2002 Parliamentary election campaign in Ukraine.

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